A diehard follower of a particular performer such as Bix Beiderbecke, on the other hand, might settle for. For his part, Smith defined mainstream collectors in contrast to both these kinds of men of narrower motivations.
They, too, keep up the search for rare records, but solely in the hope of finding something satisfying to the ear, as well as something they consider to be of historical significance. Although some collectors did insist on having the original disc, the small-scale copying of records in the s suggests that others would accept a copy. The term connotes a practice of making individual copies, doubling an item one copy at a time, rather than mass producing it in large batches.
Presumably, consumers would make their own recordings if they could no longer afford to buy records. The recording attachment used an electromagnetically driven stylus to emboss the recording into the pre-grooved disc. Begun argued in the s. Indeed, people were hardly buying records, opting instead to listen to the radio for free.
A few well-heeled music aficionados like Hammond, a Vanderbilt heir turned activist and jazz impresario, could afford a disc. Figure 2. Reprinted by permission of Richard Hadlock. While dubs were a necessary evil for collectors, groups of jazz enthusiasts began launching their own programs to distribute copies of classic recordings soon after collecting emerged as a hobby.
Beginning inGabler sought licenses from record labels to produce small batches of jazz records that were no longer in print. They took on the task of reintroducing recordings that the major labels had let lapse into obscurity years before, a job they considered noble and, perhaps, quixotic. Society Rag. The labels condoned the activities of HRS with indifference; the only evidence of their tacit support is the fact that the Society never suffered any legal retaliation, unlike later bootleggers who also made copies of out-of-print recordings available to the public.
HRS had to seek out the best copies of records, since firms such as Decca and Columbia would not let them use their masters. Society members tracked down the original musicians and urged them to share their knowledge about the recording sessions, suggesting that the buzz around a rediscovered classic might raise their profile in the music world.
HRS made new masters of the record, and Williams joined in to provide the historical context for the recording. However, Columbia. In fact, the whole program ended soon after, as the three major labels decided to try producing their own reissues in the early s, and then the outbreak of a new world war put everything on hold.
William Russell had studied classical violin in Chicago and taught music before becoming obsessed with hot music. The white critics and collectors of the Hot Record Society sought to perpetuate recordings that LP) considered to be worthwhile, and they could use their status and resources to impose particular standards of value on the work of some African American musicians. In this sense, HRS served as a cultural gatekeeper as much as the record company that neglected to keep a certain recording in print.
What the Society chose to copy and distribute would continue to be available, while music that did not meet their standards would succeed or founder according to the fortunes of the marketplace. Hammond praised both the little-known performers of blues, gospel, and jazz and bigger stars, such as Benny Goodman and Billie Holiday, with whom he had commercial interests as a producer.
The Problem with Pop. Copying records in relative obscurity, collectors and small bootleg labels could carry on without bothering anyone too much. But what happened when people copied and distributed popular music? The rise of radio in the s sparked a number of disputes over how recorded music could be legitimately reproduced.
Radio was, after all, another way of replicating sound, just like a piano roll or a home disc engraver. When Americans experimented with the medium as a means for broadcasting, no one was certain what kind of programming would dominate—the reading of news, the playing of phonograph records, the live performance of music, or something else.
Some businesses even set up stations for the sole purpose of advertising their own products and services. As record sales plummeted during the Great Depression and competition with free music on the radio increased, the question became especially acute. Music publishers were the quickest to take action, ever mindful of those who would exploit their written music for free. Victor Herbert joined with other artists to form the American Society of.
Composers, Authors, and Publishers ASCAP inaiming to regulate the use of musical compositions in places like stores and restaurants. In the case Herbert v. Shanleythe Supreme Court ruled that composers were entitled to remuneration from commercial establishments that played recordings of their compositions to entertain and entreat customers.
The precedent permitted ASCAP to demand that any station airing songs written by its members had to pay for licenses, just like commercial establishments such as stores or restaurants where music was played.
The majority of airtime in the early days of broadcasting was given over to live performers rather than recordings, an arrangement that pleased many parties; before the invention of electrical recording improved the sound quality of phonographs in the late s, records sounded significantly worse on the air than live performances.
Concerts provided a more abundant, fluid supply of music than discs, which typically contained, at most, four minutes of music on each side, could offer. Stations and hotels collaborated to turn performances into major Nowhere Man - Various - Tanks For The Mammaries: The Amazing Kornyfone Record Label Anthology (Vinyl, drawing listeners both at home and in person. For many performers in the s and s, phonograph sales and radio performance were two separate streams of income.
Common law had long provided creators with a de facto copyright for their unpublished works that protected them from appropriation prior to their release to the public. Only published works could be formally registered for federal copyright protection. Recording a performance and pressing it as a record for sale to the public would seem to constitute publication, just as much as printing and selling a novel in the marketplace.
But was a radio broadcast of a performance a publication of it? These questions emerged with the large-scale dissemination of sound through the new medium of radio, and neither the jurisprudence of music nor the legal negotiations of the songwriters through ASCAP addressed the curious status of sound, LP). Like record piracy, though, radio could make a recorded performance available to the public without the permission of the original artist or production company.
Did either a record company or a performer have any right to control how others used a sound recording in the absence of federal copyright protection for such a work? Everyone had a reason to dispute the decision. WBO Broadcasting did not believe that it was unfairly competing with either the record company or Whiteman by broadcasting the records. All the plaintiffs and defendants appealed to the US Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, where Justice Learned Hand rejected the ideas of unfair competition and property rights in recorded sound.
It is only in comparatively recent times that a virtuoso, conductor, actor, lecturer, or preacher could have any interest in the reproduction of his performance. Until the phonographic record made possible the preservation and reproduction of sound, all audible renditions were of necessity fugitive and transitory; once uttered they died; the nearest approach to their reproduction was mimicry.
Of late, however, the power to reproduce the exact quality and sequence of sounds had become possible, and the right to do so, exceedingly valuable; people easily distinguish, or think they distinguish, the.
As Hand recognized, the recording of a performance was an invention apart from the composition upon which it was based. There were things about a particular performance that listeners loved and would pay Nowhere Man - Various - Tanks For The Mammaries: The Amazing Kornyfone Record Label Anthology (Vinyl money to hear.
But lacking the guidance of Congress, he asked, how could the court parse the qualities that a record producer, a singer, or a session musician gave to a recording? The judgment was too subjective and political for a court to make.
Indeed, Hand refused to turn that ruling into a general rule, insisting. Justice Hand had earned a reputation as a partisan of free speech and was suspicious of monopolies, which is how he described copyright in the Whiteman case.
Broadcasting Corporation has never invaded any such right of Whiteman; they have never copied his performances at all; they have merely used those copies which he and the RCA Manufacturing Company, Inc. In the latter group, Metropolitan Opera v. Wagner-Nichols broke with Whiteman by ruling that courts should prohibit commercial behavior that seemed plainly unfair to prevailing sensibilities. American Broadcasting joined Columbia and Metropolitan as a plaintiff in the case because the Opera had also signed an exclusive agreement with the broadcaster to transmit the performances over radio.
The Met argued that Wagner-Nichols had reduced both the value of its contracts and its ability to secure similar agreements in the future; in this case, the contract issue carried a greater weight than in Whiteman. In the earlier case, Judge Hand ruled that although the records carried a label forbidding any use other than home listening, this restriction did not bind the purchaser to abide by it. Wagner- Nichols, however, had interfered in the contractual arrangements between the Met and those who distributed its works, and these agreements had a clear monetary value to the Opera.
Indeed, the particular performances sold by the defendants were not the same ones Columbia recorded and released. Moreover, the defendants pointed out that they did not infringe on any federally recognized property right, since the Met did not claim any rights to the compositions performed and.
Congress had not extended copyright to performances or recordings of them. More important, the court considered the activity wrong even if the charge of palming-off was unclear. In this sense, rulings on piracy protected the right of an artist or company to benefit from the good will they had generated among the public—and this notion of good will could easily apply to the popularity enjoyed by a heavily promoted recording artist, in the sense that the pirate would unfairly exploit the time and energy invested in making a recording popular.
The dispute in Metropolitan entangled musicians, lawyers, radio stations, and record labels in a web of contracts that held value for all involved, as the products and services some offered potentially conflicted with those of others.
The question was not so simple as a composer or novelist creating a work and publishing it. Various phases of performing, broadcasting, recording, and retailing were involved in the business of classical music.
A wave of new entrepreneurs had succeeded Ramsey and his friends in the Hot Record Society, catering to collectors by reissuing the scarce recordings of early jazz. Labels such as. Biltmore, Jazz-time, and Jay were based in post-office boxes.
A former baker in the Bronx had started turning out copies of jazz classics through a variety of labels, such as Anchor, Blue Ace, and Wax, in order to confuse any labels or lawyers who came sniffing down his trail. So many labels had popped up to meet demand for the old records that some were copying the products of other pirates. Their evasive tactics indicate that, unlike Hot Record Society, these businesses did not operate with the sanction of the record companies that owned the original masters.
Still, Ramsey argued that the bootleggers prospered under a policy of benign neglect. One New York pirate showed him a letter from the Copyright Office which stated that recordings were not protected by law. In any case, Ramsey felt that the majors were not paying attention. Why, he asked, did the mainstream music industry let bootleggers have the reissue market?
The successful rollout of the vinyl LP record by Columbia two years earlier offered listeners a more durable medium with a longer potential running time than traditional 78 RPM revolutions per minute records, but it also meant that many recordings would not be rereleased in the new format. Interest in the origins of jazz had attained new heights by the early s. Working at the Library of Congress, Lomax had tried to prevent the work of Morton and his contemporaries from vanishing, and others assisted in this task by illicitly copying the recordings.
Even when. Unless it were presented as something more than a gratuitous notion, it would quite likely meet with tolerant smiles from those who stand to profit more from the exploitation of a current crooner than the rediscovery of.
As bootlegging spread in the late s, a court case tested the limits of property rights for recorded sound, resulting in a decision that left the door open to piracy. Miracle Records dealt with the ownership of. He taught the style to. Justice Michael Igoe, in turn, ruled that all these claims were irrelevant, since the similarity between the compositions was simply too basic to warrant copyright protection.
Whiteman held that the US Copyright Act did not allow for individual recorded performances to be owned. Although Hand had conceded that a recording might contain some elements of genuine creativity, the law simply did not provide copyright for various interpretations of the same composition.
If the Miracle opinion held, there would be nothing copyrightable about the frenetic improvisation that made up a recording by boogie artists Pine Top Smith or Cripple Clarence Lofton.
US copyright only protected written compositions, and neither Lewis nor Yancey could claim to own the unique style that characterized their recordings. The Yancey case also prompted a wave of anxiety in the recording industry about whether their products would be copied by other firms.
Since the decision. Fears of a fresh wave of bootlegging were realized in when a major label was caught pirating its own records. RCA ran a custom pressing service that manufactured small batches of records for labels that were too small to have their own facilities.
One such outfit was Jolly Roger, which had contracted with RCA during the summer of to press hundreds of records at a cost of 65 cents a piece. The outfit also had RCA press records of Louis Armstrong, who remained, unlike Morton and Bechet, one of the biggest stars of contemporary jazz.
Anyone in the industry should have realized that he would not be recording for such an obscure label, Record Changer argued. The entertainment industry rag reported that the records were being wholesaled in batches of at 30 cents a piece.
RCA had actually become one of the loudest critics of piracy in the months prior to the Jolly Roger revelation. The company announced in September that it would begin retaliating against pirates.
There was the swagger of the name, and the fact that Bollettino had marched right into enemy territory to have his records made. Jolly Roger records featured the same style of starkly colorful and iconic covers as Pax records had, but they lacked the liner notes and other identifying features. Their back covers were blank. In any case, he had gone too far.
Seeking an injunction, the plaintiffs cited the Metropolitan decision of two years prior. Perhaps Bollettino and his fellow pirates simply drew too much attention. They proved the viability of a market that the big record labels had left fallow and, in fact, relinquished to collectors for years. In doing so, these critics maintained, the companies denied the public a portion of its heritage. In some instances organized crime sought to take advantage of the ephemeral popularity of a hit single by dumping its own copies of 45s on the market.
Reprinted by permission of Los Angeles Times. More persistent were the small entrepreneurs who copied records that the major labels had no interest in reissuing.
In the s, many bootlegs entered the United States from abroad. The label pressed records in batches of and requested correspondence in English or French. The Swaggie catalog plainly listed which labels had originally released the material, and label head Nevill L.
Sherburn wherever possible pursued licensing agreements with artists and record companies to reissue their work. Can something be arranged for Swaggie on the V Discs made by Fats on that memorable session, when Old Granddad flowed fluently … as Fats would remark … and all concerned had a ball. I feel we should discuss making a stand against these illegal labels if for no other reason than to protect our Vintage futures. The prevalence of firms like Swaggie indicated that the desire for old records had not slackened, as entrepreneurs moved to fulfill the demand formerly met by the likes of Hot Record Society and Jolly Roger.
Table 2. Probable owner: Nevill L. RFW Records. Palm Club. RBF Records. Historical Jazz. Roy Morser. Pirate Records. Old Timey. Blues Classics R e c o r d s. BoxSan Fernando, California Fats Waller.
V-Discs, E. Library of Congress. Subsidiary of Folkways Records. BoxStockholm, 11, Sweden. BoxBerkeley, California. Subsidiary of Arhoolie Records. Owner: Chris Strachwitz.
Blues and jug bands. Origin Records. Max Abrams. OFC Records. Probably European import. Owner: Moe Asch. Jazz and folk.
FDC Records. Jazz Panorama. Spottswood Music Company, 14 Street N. Washington, DC, Owner: Richard Spottswood. Probably of European origin. Jazz Society. The ultimate question remained: who should be the stewards of the ever-growing legacy of recorded music? Should the companies that originally recorded and marketed the music decide whether it would remain available to the public, beyond the worn-out relics hoarded by collectors? Given the up-front costs involved in recording, advertising, and distributing an original recording, large firms such as RCA Victor could maximize their profits by selling large numbers of a few popular releases, rather than offering the public a wide range of records that each sold fewer copies.
Since the means of production—record-pressing plants—remained concentrated in the hands of a few major labels in the s, those firms could exercise a wide degree of discretion about what music was available to the public. The American music industry of the s and early s was highly consolidated in a few firms, who sought to vertically integrate production and to deter competitors from entering the market.
Given these conditions, collectors and bootleggers alike feared that countless items of recorded music would become scarce and inaccessible as they receded into the past. Until then, the labels sought to deter anyone from copying the records that they no longer wanted to sell, with the aim of keeping such music unavailable until the established firms saw fit to reissue it. This struggle only occurred because bootlegging showed the labels that their back catalog might be worth something—that recorded music retained meaning and significance in which the public had an interest long after it stopped being worthwhile for companies to keep in circulation.
Collectors insisted that there was something uniquely valuable about each record, each variation, which copyright law had treated as incidental to the essence of the work. It was collecting that led to bootlegging, and bootlegging that led to legal suppression and, eventually, to an expansion of copyright restrictions that would make collecting more difficult.
The primacy of performance and interpretation in jazz helped prompt this reconsideration of copyright. Some elements of creativity could not be captured in musical notation—the characteristic playing of an instrument with its own timbre, for instance—although American copyright law did not recognize them until the early s. The wave of successful anti-bootlegging litigation in the s followed a spike in the popularity of jazz bootlegs that jolted the record companies into action.
In the s and s, new media such as magnetic tape made recording cheaper and easier than before, and lovers of opera and other less-than-profitable genres argued that their copying served a wholesome purpose by capturing and preserving music that would otherwise sink in the commercial marketplace.
And in the late s, not long after McCuen hunted the copiers of folk and jazz, bootleggers turned to rock and roll, provoking a bigger legal battle than seen in the skirmishes of the s.
The corrupt police captain Hank Quinlan sat in the parlor of his old flame Tanya, after a drunken bender took him south of the Rio Grande. Bleary-eyed and exhausted, Quinlan was comforted by the tinny sound of an antique player piano. Meanwhile, the staccato ragtime of the player piano plods along in the background.
In due time, the old guard was done in by the cleverness and diligence of the new. Touch of Evil reflects the emergence of new media in the s, a decade when the use of magnetic recording spread beyond the military and industry and into the consumer marketplace in the United States. The transformation of this long- dormant technology into a medium that was accessible to large numbers of people challenged property rights by enabling new ways of using sound that had not been known to the jazz copiers of the s and s.
In conjunction with radio and television, magnetic recording provided a practical way for enthusiasts to capture music free of charge. Jazz writer John Corbett fondly recalled the era of the s, when enthusiasts had been forced to find other ways to document and exchange the sounds they heard all around them. The acetate was a flimsy, temporary disc recording, often used in studios to make demos and by radio stations to record and play commercials, which typically had a short shelf life in any case.
These unique arrangements and interpretations vanished into nothing as soon as they appeared, unless one owned a costly and delicate disc cutter.
Even if preserved, the record deteriorated after so many listens. Before magnetic tape became common in recording studios, the acetate disc provided a temporary document of a session without committing to the costlier process of making a permanent master recording. Figure 3. Boris Rose, a compulsive collector and sound engineer from the Bronx, bridged the age of the Hot Record Society, the disc cutter, and the acetate and that of newer media such as LPs and cassettes.
Rose recorded performances from the radio, making homemade acetates and LPs available to fans of jazz, classical, country, and countless other genres for decades. Each featured a unique cover, designed and Xeroxed by Rose himself. Subsisting on the rental income from a property he owned at Second Avenue and Tenth Street in Manhattan, Rose provided records on demand and at cost to anyone who found out about him; he was also an archivist, tirelessly documenting the past and present.
Many others joined him in copying music in the s and s, as wartime uses revived the old technology of magnetic recording and consumer spending sped the development of the electronics industry.
The Long Rise of Magnetic Recording. For a new technology to gain popular acceptance, there first must be some organized interest that will. Whether a corporation, government, university or some other combination of forces champions an idea, someone must pool resources and put them into action.
It is never enough for one person to have a foggy notion of what a new invention might do and how it might work. The past is full of the forgotten names of men and women who had conceived of devices like the telegraph or telephone, but who never told anyone, or lacked the technical skills to develop the idea, or simply could not find a sympathetic ear to hear them out.
An engineer in New Jersey, Smith first set out the ideas for magnetic recording in an article for The Electrical World magazine. Smith suggested that an electric current, when piped through a telephone circuit, would alter the magnetic arrangement of iron filings on a cotton thread.
The thread would retain the pattern of the current, which could reproduce the sound when retraced. Subsequently, Valdemar Poulsen, an electrical engineering student at the University of Copenhagen, proposed his own model for magnetically recording on wire as a class project in Magnetic wire could have become an important medium for sound.
The wire had its own shortcomings as well, since the device was prone to tangling and the sound it produced was too faint in the days before amplification. The German engineer Curt Stille, for instance, pioneered uses of wire for railroads, the telephone industry, and office dictation. He joined with Ludwig Blattner in to develop the Blattnerphone, a magnetic tape machine that could provide the soundtrack for film screenings, but the big firms of the German film industry muscled the pair out of the business.
The BBC recognized the value of a medium that was reusable and durable, since the same tape could be used over and over to rebroadcast a previously aired program, record rehearsals, and capture important speeches for later replay. United Statesthe Supreme Court had ruled that federal investigators could collect evidence on alcohol bootleggers through wiretapping, which stoked public anxieties that anyone could be listening in on their calls.
Its introduction as a phonograph medium was also unlikely, because the Depression reduced demand for disc records, and listeners had turned to free entertainment on the radio. As the engineer Semi J. Begun observed, the Nazis were keen to buy up all the recording equipment they could, which the Gestapo could put to its own nefarious uses.
What had been for the BBC an easy way to reuse previously aired programs became for the Nazis a tool for repeating political messages over and over again on the airwaves. Already, the way was being paved for wider use, given the right social and political impetus: the medium would soon be used by offices, factories, snooping governments, and eventually by consumers after World War II.
World War II sped up the development process in two ways. First, the avalanche of wartime spending fell on companies exploring sound recording as much as it did on aerospace, computing, and other fields. Begun believed that progress in magnetic recording went further and faster during the war years than in all the time before.
Magnetic wire was compact and resistant to heat and vibration, qualities that proved useful on the battlefield, as did the possibility of re-recording on the same medium multiple times. One such device, mass-produced by General Electric and the Armour Research Company for the Army and Navy, could record sixty-six minutes on a spool the size of a doughnut. Opperman reported innoting that the wire was highly durable and held up over thousands of uses.
The US military discovered the Magnetophon, a reel-to-reel tape recorder developed by German engineers in the s, toward the end of the war, and Americans were soon experimenting with the device back home. The technology rose to prominence by capturing the attention of Bing Crosby, who was eager to record his East Coast radio performances on magnetic tape and rebroadcast them later the same evening on the West Coast. Weary of performing twice every night, the singer left radio inafter NBC refused to let him prerecord his show.
InABC got Crosby to return with the promise of recording on acetate discs, but the sound quality was too poor. When Crosby learned of the Magnetophon inhe assembled a team of engineers to work on improving the technology; when their efforts fell short, he ponied up crucial funds to the Ampex Corporation, which allowed the company to expand its operation and produce a viable tape recorder by Crosby was the biggest star on the roster of record label Decca, which soon began using Ampex tape for its master recordings.
By the next year, professors at Hunter College in New York City were using the device to help students correct speech impediments. Recordable media were common in the early days of the music industry. The first phonograph was the wax cylinder, which could be recorded on, yet the cylinder rapidly lost ground to disc recording. Two cylinders were sold for every one disc inbut by the ratio had flipped to one cylinder for every nine discs.
Why, then, were people not interested in home recording in the early twentieth century? The disc was also a permanent record—once recorded on, whether in a home or studio, it could not be erased and reused, unlike the later forms of magnetic tape and wire.
For an amateur using a disk engraver, making a permanent record of false starts and flubs could be unappealing. Cultural and economic conditions were also more auspicious in the s than in the s or s, when manufacturers had previously introduced amateur recording systems with little success. In the s and s, people could document their own performances, and some even invited friends LP) bring their instruments over so each could make her own recording.
At the time, the only other option would have been to lug the fragile equipment into a concert hall. The difficult operation of such machines appealed to a small group of music enthusiasts and collectors, such as the members of the Hot Record Society, but for most Americans years of personal experience ingrained an understanding of discs as containers of prerecorded sounds.
In his study of the early development of sound recording, Jonathan Sterne argues that the shift from wax cylinders to discs resulted from changes in middle-class leisure and family life. In the Victorian era of the late nineteenth century, the cylinder provided a way for families to entertain guests, listening to home recordings in much the same way a family might share a photo album or home movie with friends.
The phonograph industry focused on selling prerecorded sounds rather than home recording equipment in part, Sterne suggests, because consumers took greater interest in a broader consumer culture outside the home, which radio and recorded music on discs symbolized.
Certainly, the domestic, suburban turn of American life after World War II may have contributed to a renewed interest in the shared experience of recording that Sterne describes in the Victorian Era. However, certain technical features of magnetic recording made it more appealing than the wax cylinder, which reached its peak of popularity years before the advent of electric recording in the s improved the fidelity and amplification of recorded sound.
Piracy and the Hi-Fi Mind. In the s and s, many guides to the technology of magnetic recording were published in the United States and Europe. Some explained the science for people who wanted to build their own equipment, while others focused on the uses to which tape recorders could be put.
The technology could be used for taping sound from radio and television, making original recordings, and backing up fragile disc records. Since tape recording was still a. Exchanging a record with friends often required putting the sounds on the widely accepted format of a phonograph disc.
Dante Bollettino had used the custom-pressing division of RCA to make his jazz bootlegs in the early s. He recommended taping glee clubs, church concerts, and speeches at special gatherings—any activity that involved a large number of people, who could be counted on to buy enough records to make the pressing practical. For middle- class men in the s, the appeal of an expensive hobby that could reaffirm the masculine virtue of practical expertise was significant. This first issue of the TV broadcast from 1 July2 PM show and the Wizardo copy were featured in detail in this earlier post.
Both concerts would continue to be reissued and -packaged countless times on vinyl but we will stop here. The last track was not listed on the cover. All in all, an LP with a rather short running time and stingy banding. They were released between April and Novemberwhich dates the LP to December at the earliest. Padded out with a few BBC recordings, copied from TMOQs Yellow Matter Custard to help suggest that all of these recordings might have come from the same recording sessions, when they were really recorded over 18 months apart.
Perhaps, whoever compiled the master tape got it on there by accident or as an inside joke. Joe Pope in The list goes on and on…. Circuit Records LK — available with red, green, blank white and the labels shown above and of course, as a picture disc. Circuit chose to release the recordings in fake stereo and with the audio running too fast.
December of It seems that the early versions of Dittolino titles were stamped and never had slip sheets to start with. The origins of the master tape start with a slightly different source tape compared to the one used by TMOQ.
The American Federation of Musician granted Capitol Records permission to record the Beatles at the Hollywood Bowl for their first appearance there in August of after having denied this at the beginning of the year when Capitol had intended to tape the Carnegie Hall concerts in New York.
From a technical point of view, the result was a disaster due to guitar leakage onto the vocal track because the stage set up of the Vox amps was not altered for this live recording session and they fed right into the vocal mics.
At least one mono acetate was produced in September of and sent to Brian Epstein. This is a two sided, 33rpm original Capitol Mono B acetate, that was originally owned by no other than Beatles manager Brian Epstein! Most of these acetates featured released versions, but there were two LP) The acetates of the legendary Hollywood Bowl concert, one the original mono mix from Septemberthe other a stereo remix from When Pawlowski died inthe most important pieces of his collection where auctioned off by LA specialist store Rockaway Records.
The stereo remix mentioned above was produced on 30 September The master tape — seen here — was then sent to E. This would appear to reference another reel of tape. John Barrett logs reel AR as the original 27 August stereo mix and it is commonly believed that the available mono copies are simply the stereo mix folded to mono. I would love to be able to pinpoint when this leaked to bootleggers but that is hard to tell as more acetates exist ed :.
Upon hearing whatever source tape the bootlegger had been given, they mis-remembered this as being the televised Shea stadium concert. Surprisingly perhaps, not that many copies were pressed and this title is rather rare. The Offenbach concert was discussed in detail here.
The tape Lou had to work with must have suffered from some substantial azimuth misalignment and have been a very high generation copy. McCartney makes no location references during the show, but us heard saying dank u — thank you, in Dutch.
We have at least extractions from most of the Dutch shows, and the performances here do not match those. Bare in mind that It can only be found here. The San Diego concert songs are decent sound. Side 2 slightly better. A very fine one!
Bottle of Red Wine Key to the Highway. Japan tour book. Photo: Akihiko Fuku. Quality: very good stereo audience. Only copies pressed. So that the box of color also had the red and blue, it is a red box version there in my hand. Throughout these concerts the band are testing the new set list. There were some changes to the set list on this second night, Bron-yr-Aur Stomp was dropped and Moby Dick was played for the only time.
Comments: US bootleg. First pressing on green vinyl. Incorrectly listed as Bron-Yr-Aur. Not from Dec. Their rendition of Ben E. Approximately numbered copies on multicolored wax. These following comments are from collectorsmusic. There is also very little audience interference making the recording more enjoyable.
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